The United Kingdom considers itself unique among nations, and to a large degree, it certainly is. Boasting the longest uninterrupted democracy in modern history, the UK has a strong tradition of gradual political change, even as its European neighbours have suffered through series of revolutions. And in modern times as well, in striking opposition to the other Western democracies, where extremists and radicals fester at the edges of politics and all too frequently move into its core, the British system has remained remarkably centrist. History has seemed to sweep the UK along a sufficiently progressive, prosperous, and sensible path that neither leftists nor rightists have been given the opportunity to radicalize. It is hard to say whether historical gradualism gave rise to the uniquely centrist and pragmatic British political system, or whether the system created the circumstances, but either way, it is undeniable that the UK is a rare haven of reasonable politics. 

Of course, it would be a step too far to say that this is necessarily a good culture; anarchists and fascists certainly disapprove of British moderation, with Karl Marx famously despising the lack of English “revolutionary ardour.” But a distaste for revolutions and their dogmas has undoubtedly proved beneficial to the British people, who have enjoyed for generations a government that, largely free of the ideological red lines of other Western parties, has been free to legislate to the benefit of the British people. While the rightist House of Representatives was voting down Obamacare for the 37th time, the British Parliament was engaging in bipartisan debate to determine how to make it cheaper for poor people to heat their homes.

But in the face of economic crisis, political moderation has--for the first time in recent history--begun to break down, as the extreme right is increasingly heard across all levels of the British political system. These rightists are found most prolifically within the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), which was founded in 1993 with little more than a determination to remove Britain from the European Union. A textbook model of a populist party, UKIP protests a host of policies, but puts forward only anger. Aside from opposing the EU, it passionately--and irrationally--opposes immigration, social welfare, and human rights. The three mainstream British political parties, each of which is associated more with flexibility and pragmatism than with its official position on the left-right spectrum, have in the past habitually dismissed UKIP. While far right factions throughout the Continent and the United States are respected as legitimate political actors, such as the far right French National Front, Greek Golden Dawn, and American Tea Party, it has been understood in the UK that the radical UKIP has no place in British governance. Even Prime Minister David Cameron, who is the face of the centre-right Conservative party and known for his statesmanship, has notoriously referred to UKIP as “clowns.” 

But now, as Cameron’s primary political opponent and Leader of the Labour Party Ed Miliband has famously alleged, the Conservatives want to “join the circus.” After this May’s local elections, UKIP increased its representation across Britain from 8 councillors to 147, almost entirely at the expense of Conservative representatives. With the 2015 national election looming, the success of extremism has caused a panic among Conservatives, who currently hold a weak plurality in Parliament and fear that UKIP could cut into the Conservative vote sufficiently to lose the contest to Labour. So instead of defending traditional Conservative policies, such as tempered allegiance to Europe and a dedication to the welfare system, Government has resorted to populist pandering, increasingly mimicking UKIP in a sad attempt to court constituents who are disenchanted by persistent economic stagnation and looking for scapegoats. While I personally do not agree with many elements of the 2010 Conservative Manifesto, it is undeniably a reasonable statement, designed with the British people in mind. But instead of supporting Britain, the dragged-to-the-right Tories have, over the past few months, begun to emphatically and dogmatically oppose Europe, immigration, and welfare. And the highly partisan way in which these concepts have been attacked indicates that this opposition is being led by PM Cameron “not because he believes it is the right thing to do,” but simply to mimic UKIP and appeal to radical rightists. But instead of returning UKIP supporters to the Conservative fold, extremists have only pushed for increasingly radical policies, such as multiple referendums on EU membership, as they realize how easily the Conservatives can be swayed.

But even Miliband’s enclave is party to the circus, with Labour refusing to support Europe or a robust welfare system. Instead of opposing the increasingly rightist Conservatives with the centre-left rationality that Labour has historically championed, the Opposition is also allowing itself to be dragged to the right. Within the past month, many Labour shadow ministers have asserted that an in-or-out referendum, which would almost certainly take the UK out of the EU, should be held even sooner than proposed by the Conservatives. And to consolidate Labour’s abandonment of labourers, Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer Ed Balls has insinuated that his party would not reverse the dramatic cuts to social services that are planned by the Conservatives if voted into power in 2015. While he was quick to condemn the new Tory budget, Balls offered no alternative.

Unfortunately, it seems that British political culture is shifting from an ethic of creativity to one of destruction, as the mainstream parties run from their own policies, and instead commit themselves merely to opposition and protest--the hallmark of radicals such as UKIP. As former Foreign Secretary Douglas Howe has recently lamented, Conservatives have allowed euroscepticism and populist extremism to “infect the soul of the party,” and unfortunately, the same could be said of Labour as well. And thus, with no representation in Parliament and far less than one per cent of Council seats, UKIP and fanaticism have managed to gain control of the reigns of British governance. Hopefully, the British tradition of rationalist rule is sufficiently imbedded in the nation’s culture to wake the mainstream parties from their populist stupors, but if the past few months are any indicator, British citizens should brace for a political system increasingly devoid of anything useful.