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Rebuilding Post-War Libya: The Race For Prime Minister

Tasbeeh Herwees |
September 11, 2012 | 10:15 p.m. PDT

Senior Staff Reporter

Diplomatic Immunity is Neon Tommy's blog covering international news and issues.

(Dawn Megli/Neon Tommy)
(Dawn Megli/Neon Tommy)
Libya’s first democratically elected congress is preparing for a big vote Wednesday afternoon--the 200-member national body will elect the country’s first prime minister.

The contenders, among them familiar names like Mahmoud Jibril and Mustafa Abushagur, are up for a job that looks appealing to no one: rebuilding post-war Libya, while appeasing an increasingly restless constituency and suppressing an aggressive extremist minority. For the past few months, Salafi militants were responsible for the destruction of several holy sites and shrines throughout Tripoli.

Tuesday, militants in Benghazi, angry over a new film purported to negatively portray the Muslim prophet Muhammed violently, attacked the U.S. consulate, killing one U.S. official.

In addition to halting the circulation of weapons, the new prime minister will also have to rebuild critical infrastructure, reinvigorate a lame bureaucracy and help conjure up a democratic constitution out of thin air. 

Early September, the General National Congress officially submitted the names of eight candidates to be considered for the demanding position--but the serious competition is between three of them. Former Foreign Minister Mahmoud Jibril, current Deputy Prime Minister Mustafa Abushagur and current Minister of Electricity Ibrahim Barasi appear to be the names to beat.

Jibril, a controversial figure for his “secularist” platform, defected from the regime early on when the pro-democracy uprising against Gaddafi regime began back in February 2011. In his capacity as foreign minister in the transitional council, Jibril is often credited for rallying the international community on behalf of the opposition and winning support for an NATO-lead intervention against the regime. He resigned from the transitional council early on, retreating from Libyan post-revolution politics for a few months before reemerging as part of a political coalition--the National Forces Alliance, which won 39 of the 80 party seats on the General National Congress last July. 

Amidst the recent chaos perpetrated by extremist Salafists, Jibril’s secular politics may tilt the odds in his favor--but among Libya’s socially conservative demographic, it’s hard to tell. His top opponents, Barasi and Abushagur, both have ties to the Libyan Muslim Brotherhood. The former is currently a member of the Brotherhood’s official party, the Justice and Construction Party; the latter is running independently, though he is said to be close to the Muslim Brotherhood in an unofficial capacity. 

Running independently may be a smart move for Abushagur. By avoiding party lines, Abushagur’s been able to form a platform that appeals to a more conservative constituency looking for immediate change -- touting a commitment to security and raising employment rates -- and a younger, more liberal crowd that values women’s rights, education, and post-war reconciliation. Abushagur’s also proven to be more accessible than other candidates, hosting hour-long Twitter chats and maintaining a stronger online presence. 

Barasi’s strongest asset is his reputation among Libyans. As electricity minister, Barasi has dealt with a minefield of issues, including an electrical infrastructure devastatingly damaged during the war. Though Libyans dealt with frequent power failures this past year-- even one that lasted more than 14 hours during Ramadan throughout the entire Eastern region -- many Libyans are quick to defend him, extolling his commitment to the job.

Many of the ministers, such as Minister of Health Fatima Hamroush, suffer from terrible PR, but Barasi’s one of the few for whom Libyans can list accomplishments, such as decentralizing the electrical units. He’s used his recurring media appearances to explain the situation to residents, cultivating an image of transparency.

That might just give him the upper hand over an old hat like Jibril, whose previous ties to the regime and quick departure from the transitional council make him a figure difficult to pin down. 

 

Reach Senior Staff Reporter Tasbeeh Herwees here



 

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